Recently, Serbia has once again been shaken by mass protests that brought tens of thousands to the streets. This is round two of the fight against Rio Tinto, a notorious multinational mining company that is trying to start operations in the west of the country. This is also the sixth time in the last eight years that mass protests against the regime of Aleksandar Vučić have been organised in Serbia.
Two and a half years have passed since the masses in Serbia achieved their first victory against Rio Tinto. Protests against the company, further provoked by regime thugs, brought tens of thousands of people to the streets, where they set up roadblocks.
Alarmed by the mass support for the protests, as well as by the growing militant mood of the demonstrators, who fought back against the thugs of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, President Aleksandar Vučić and Prime Minister Ana Brnabić decided to halt Rio Tinto's ‘Jadar’ project, in order to prevent things getting out of control.
This paused the protests, but even though it was a victory, there was no euphoria among the masses, only a sense that this was a temporary retreat by the enemy. Sure enough, it didn't take long for the ruling class to go on the offensive again.
Vučić-Scholz memorandum
On 11 July, citing a flimsy legal basis, the Constitutional Court of Serbia annulled the decision of the government of Serbia to stop the ‘Jadar’ project by Rio Tinto, which it had launched to extract lithium ore in the region of the river Jadar in western Serbia. The charade shows that the courts are loyal above all to big business, not the ostensibly democratically-elected government. But Vučić was hardly upset by the news. Ultimately, both the government and the unelected Constitutional Court serve the same master: capitalism.
Both the government and the unelected Constitutional Court serve the same master: capitalism / Image: World Economic Forum, Flickr
Just eight days after the annulment of this decision, Serbia received a diplomatic visit from the Chancellor of Germany, Olaf Scholz, leader of the strongest economy of the European Union. Scholz and President Vučić signed a document with, bombastically titled, ‘Memorandum of understanding between the European Union and the Republic of Serbia on a strategic partnership on sustainable raw materials, battery value chains and electric vehicles’.
Cutting through the waffle, the European Union, would clearly be the main beneficiary from this deal, by making it easier for it to extract mineral wealth from Serbia. The text is full of platitudes about the environment, despite the fact that Rio Tinto is one of the world’s most notorious mining companies, known for destroying nature and violating labour rights, especially in poorer countries such as Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Namibia.
The document also refers to the Agreement on Stabilisation and Association with the European Union, alluding to the fact that if Serbia wants to join the European Union. In order to do so, it must be ready to put ecological concerns aside for the sake of the economic competitiveness of the EU. It is no wonder that many in Serbia have drawn the conclusion that we are entering a colonial position in relation to the European Union.
The document also mentions that the state of Serbia would have to facilitate the implementation of the wishes of the incoming companies, and in return cooperation between EU and Serbian industry would be stepped up. This is a wink to the Serbian ruling class that it will get its share of the pie in the form of processing, transport, and maybe even in the form of ownership of shares. This is what lies behind Vučić's hasty attempt to try to bring in Rio Tinto again.
Why is the mine a problem?
One of the main sentiments among the population is that this mine is being planned in Serbia because the countries of the European Union have standards that prohibit the opening of environmentally damaging mines on their territory, and also because they fear the response of their own populations.
Small countries have always been used as raw material for exploitation by imperialist powers, and Serbia is suitable for the EU for several reasons. It has a cheap but productive workforce, which the regime used to attract numerous foreign investors in the previous decade. It is located on the periphery of the European Union, which suits European capitalists, who want a source of raw materials close by, but outside of its member states.
In addition, the legal framework in Serbia is very loose, and it is well known that foreign companies do not have to respect environmental and other standards. As a big bonus, foreign investors also receive benefits in the form of subsidies and tax breaks, further enshrined in the memorandum.
The regime of Aleksandar Vučić is known for its exceptional austerity measures, where healthcare, education and culture have been decimated in favour of subsidies towards foreign investors. The Serbian Progressive Party does not hesitate to use thugs and organised crime to keep the masses in check. Vučić brags about the growth of Serbia's GDP, but nowhere does he mention the human cost. Moreover, the Serbian ruling class was the main beneficiary of this growth, while the working people only got crumbs.
The new mine would primarily export boron and lithium, with the Serbian ruling class taking its cut from the spoils. This means that the potential economic growth from the mine would first of all depend on the movements of the world market. Considering the deep capitalist crisis, with inflation, wars, growing protectionist measures between countries, and mountains of debt, the optimistic projections of the European Union towards growth of the electric vehicle market are dubious.
In the event that the electric car market does not grow as projected, Serbia could end up with a mine without workers, and its environment wrecked. In the event of an ecological disaster, Serbia cannot oblige any foreign company or entity to repair the damage, because there is no mechanism that would force foreign companies to pay compensation, or to prevent them from simply leaving the country.
You will not dig!
The masses in Serbia reacted swiftly to the subservience of its ruling class. Even before the court ruling against the government's decision to stop the ‘Jadar’ project, a protest was held on 28 June against Rio Tinto in Loznica, a city that would be one of the most affected by the opening of the mine.
The masses in Serbia reacted swiftly to the subservience of its ruling class / Image: RKS
After the memorandum, a protest was organised in Valjevo on 22 July, which had a very large turnout, as well as an energetic mood. Then, on 30 July, the largest protest of the year up to that point was organised in Šabac, with over 7,000 people present. Loznica, Valjevo and Šabac form a triangle around the Jadar River, and the response in these cities shows the great determination of the locals to oppose the project.
The movement was also marked by the very large number of protests in smaller towns, such as Aranđelovac, Mionica, Ljig, Ub, Mali Zvonik, Bajina Bašta, and many others. Solidarity was also shown by the masses in the large centres, such as Kragujevac, but also Niš and Novi Sad, which would not be directly affected by the project. This goes to show the public mood of anger and resentment runs much deeper than just the question of this mine.
The culmination of the protest, under the slogan, “There will be no mine”, took place on 10 August in Belgrade, with a general mobilisation of the masses from all over Serbia. According to estimates, at least 30,000 people attended the protest.
Among the demonstrators, there was a special disgust towards the colonial subservience of the Serbian ruling class, which is allowing foreign investors to do whatever they want with the country. The speakers at the protests presented Vučić as a comprador under the control of Chancellor Scholz, the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen, the American Ambassador to Serbia, Christopher Hill, but also Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Vučić claimed on Friday in a national speech that Russian security services told him the protests were cover for a western-sponsored coup d’état. We can only laugh! He was the one who signed the Faustian pact with Scholz! If anything, it is Vučić who is betraying his country to European capital. The speakers at the protest clearly did not pull punches against imperialism from any direction, and none of them are members of any political parties. Such cynical rumour-mongering from Vučić is aimed at slandering this movement, which emerged spontaneously.
The protest ended with a march, and finally with a blockade of the Gazela interchange, and even a blockade of the railway tracks. Such tactics exert very limited pressure on the ruling class. What could force them to retreat again?
Radicalisation: but of what kind?
One advantage of the protests against Rio Tinto in 2021 was that elections were due to be held in the coming three months. Vučić felt that such a mood, if prolonged, could threaten his rule, so he moved to appease the masses with the replacement of ministers, the ban on Rio Tinto and other concessions. This time, he has gone on the offensive at a time when elections are not in sight.
This does not mean that the protests cannot threaten his rule, and the protesters are aware of this. The mood in Serbia shows that this protest in Belgrade is by no means the finale, but a measuring of forces. New, smaller protests and struggles continue, which should be built upon and expanded.
The heart of the battle will certainly be in the cities around the Jadar River – Loznica, Valjevo, Šabac. It is not excluded that Vučić will also try to start projects in other parts of Serbia, in order to test the mood of the locals when the operations begin. In case this happens, the locals should sabotage the work and development of the announced projects, as was done in earlier fights against the installation of mini-hydroelectric plants.
But if the goal of these protests is to hit the pockets of foreign investors and local rulers, there is no force better equipped than the organised working class. This movement must connect with trade unions, especially in the area around Jadar. The question of the mine could be connected to other demands, forming the basis for sympathy strikes.
Just imagine what effect a political and environmental strike would have if it took place in Krušik weapons factory in Valjevo, with which the Vučić regime is deeply connected, and at a time where Serbia is massively exporting arms to Israel and other battlefields. Or a strike at one of the foreign and even domestic companies?
It is enough to remember the strike at FIAT in Kragujevac, which inspired many workers from across Serbia to join with their own strikes. Prime Minister Ana Brnabić had to negotiate directly with the workers in order to appease the foreign bosses. This shows the way forward. The same scenario could now be repeated in Loznica, Valjevo, Šabac, and that would inspire the rest of the working class of Serbia to get involved in the fight.
As it was said at the protest, Jadar is ours. The majority, the working class, must defend it using our methods of class struggle, and solidarity.
You will not dig!
Serbia is not a colony!
We drove it out once, and will drive it out again!
Rio Tinto – get out of Serbia!